什麼是面子？年輕人的面子與自我價值後效之相互機制

What Is“Face”? Correlation between the Meaning of Young People’s“Face”and Contingencies of Self-Worth

本研究的目的乃探討年輕人面子的形成經驗與內涵，以及面子與自我價值後效的相互機制，以解鎖面子之於自己和人際互動的深層意義。採敘事研究，依便利取樣邀請四位年齡25 ~ 27歲之大專校院畢業之參與者進行深度訪談。每位參與者共受訪2次，共獲得8份文本資料，依「類別—內容」進行分析。研究結果有二，首先年輕人面子的形成有四個階段：（1）面子醞釀期：面子具代間傳遞與加成效果；（2）面子建立期：面子是演繹他人眼中美好的自己；（3）面子維護期：從「爭取面子」轉移到「不失面子」；以及（4）面子重建期：面子又聚焦回社會比較的結果。第二，面子與自我價值後效的相互機制有三個面向：（1）面子是在陌生環境中比較出來的自我價值；（2）面子的標準開始鬆動並對自我價值後效的影響降低；（3）拋下面子而從內在期望強化自我價值後效。依研究結果提出相關討論與建議。

Face, known as“mianzi”in mandarin, is a phenomenon that reflects an individual’s image and status in social interactions. The concept self-positioning. It is also influenced by sex, interpersonal differences, cultural values and situations. In Chinese society, where emphasis is placed on collectivism and mutual relationships, face is perceived as“others-oriented”and context-dependent. In this cultural setting, strive to uphold their own face and that of their relatives, carefully considering the face of others in social interactions. Furthermore, face functions as a mechanism for building social reputation, shaping social evaluations, gaining recognition, and fostering positive feelings. Therefore, face is an inner feeling of honor, pride, and pleasure, which are derived from an individual’s perception of respect and appreciation from others. In summary, face serves as an indicator of individuals’importance in the eyes of others.
The development of face is closely associated with social culture and personal developmental stages, which may have several ramifications for individuals. For instance, teenagers are particularly sensitive to how others evaluate them; these individuals often seek praise and recognition to enhance their sense of status. When they perceive a loss of face, their self-esteem decreases accordingly. Therefore, in addition to shaping self-image, face influences self-esteem. Both positive and negative events occur in life. When individuals subjectively perceive an event as particularly impactful, their self-worth may fluctuate considerably, a concept referred to as“contingencies of self-worth.”When individuals prioritize academics, their academic performance becomes a key indicator of their self-worth. Individuals with higher contingencies of self-worth are more likely to have enhanced self-esteem after academic success. This, in turn, increases their motivation to invest additional time and effort in achieving further success within the same domain.
During young adulthood, contingencies of self-worth are affected by various factors, such as social comparisons, parental nurturing style, and school environment. The development and significance of face are closely associated with an individual’s life events. Events that are perceived as highly impactful tend to exert strong effects and induce robust personal commitment. When In individuals with high contingencies of self-worth are high for certain contexts, individuals show strong dedication to pursuing face. By contrast, when contingencies of self-worth are low for other circumstances, face becomes less important and had minimal impact on their actions. The present study highlights the close and continuous relationship between face and contingencies of self-worth. Face enhances self-worth; high self-worth encourages commitment and effort, which, in turn, enhance face.
In this study, we explored the experiences of young people in developing the concept of face and analyzed its fundamental properties. In addition, we investigated the relationship between face and contingencies of self-worth to elucidate the significance of face in relation to self-perception and interpersonal interactions. Many aspects of this topic remain unclear. For instance, young people in Taiwan are navigating substantial environmental transitions, such as moving from campus life to the workplace. How they perceive and strive to maintain face in these contexts remains poorly understood, which prompted us to conduct the present study. This study included graduates (in their 20s) from ordinary colleges. They were asked to reflect on how face manifests in their lives and what it means to them.
Narrative research and convenience sampling were performed in this study. With the assistance of counselors from three colleges, four graduates (age: 25–27 years) were invited to participate in in-depth interviews. The participants had considerable experiences related to the concept of face and were willing to reflect on and share their perspectives. We determined the environmental context, interpersonal interactions, subjective feelings, and implicit significance of face in the participants’real lives. Through this approach, the mutual relationship between face and contingencies of self-worth was explored. Su and Hwang (2003) found that college students regard academic performance as the most valued aspect of their lives because it provides them with the greatest face. Leppink et al. (2016) indicated that similar to high school students, college students continue to experience considerable academic pressure.
Interview guidelines for this study were designed to address three key aspects, namely, daily living, learning, and career development. Each participant was interviewed twice, resulting in a total of eight interview transcripts. These transcripts were analyzed using the categorical content method. The four confidence indices proposed by Lincoln and Guba (1985) were adopted as examination standards: Credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability.
Our findings were two-fold. We identified four stages of face development and three dimensions of the relationship between face and contingencies of self-worth. First, the four stages of face development in young people were as follows: Fermenting, establishing, maintaining, and reconstructing. (1) During the face-fermenting stage, face is passed down through generations and can be augmented. When young people entered college, their face development was influenced by family expectations and values. They inherited these values and used them to gauge their status among peers. Initially, the participants focused on achieving good grades to meet family expectations; over time, they realized that good grades also offered a high status among peers, fostering a positive cycle: Good grades led to a high status, which brought pride and increased motivation, thereby enhancing face. (2) During the face-establishing stage, face was shaped by how individuals perceived themselves through the eyes of others. As they became more familiar with their environment, they recognized that performing well and earning recognition from others enhanced their face. At this stage, face often symbolized attending a prestigious college or securing a stable job. Even if one’s field of study was not aligned with their interests, they remained committed to it to maintain face. Face also manifested differently in different relationships. For example, in interactions with their parents, the participants would push back if they felt a loss of face. However, in the presence of others, but they would concealed their feelings to maintain harmony. (3) In the face-maintenance stage, the focus shifted from“winning face”to“not losing face.”Midway through college, the participants became more adept at managing their environment and developed greater flexibility and tolerance in their interpretation of face. The concept of face transitioned from a win-or-lose dynamic to maintaining parity with peers. Moreover, the comparison criteria expanded from academic achievements to other areas, such as competitions, privileges, and public recognition. (4) During the face-reconstructing stage, face reverted to its ties with social comparisons. As the participants transitioned from college to workplace, their perception of face shifted. At this stage, face was largely influenced by the indicators of success, such as salary or wealth. In an unfamiliar workplace environment, the participants’experienced anxiety, with their sense of face becoming more dependent on the outcomes of social comparison.
Second, the relationship between face and contingencies of self-worth has three aspects. (1) Face serves as a measure of self-worth in unfamiliar circumstances. For instance, the participants derived their self-worth from academic performance, which, in turn, enhanced their overall sense of self-esteem. (2) The effect of face on contingencies of self-worth may decrease when other priorities take precedence. In such situations, the main consideration becomes more important than the presence of absence of face. (3) Individuals may disregard face altogether and strengthen their contingencies of self-worth in terms of intrinsic expectations. However, upon entering a new workplace, face regains importance, with social comparison once again becoming a key determinant of self-worth. Discussions and recommendations are presented in accordance with the findings.