及物性與漢語兼類述賓複合動詞

Transitivity and Two-way V-O Compound Verbs in Mandarin Chinese

本研究檢驗了兼類述賓複合動詞中的兩個例子。所謂的兼類述賓複合動詞可以用兩種不同句法方式引介其名詞受詞。舉例來說，「關心」和「得罪」的名詞受詞可以位於整體動詞後，也可以由一個介系詞引介並出現於動詞前的位置。本文指出在這兩個兼類述賓複合動詞中出現的「介詞短語」只是表面上的，其句法行為並不像「加油」或「開刀」述賓複合動詞中出現的只能由介系詞引介其名詞受詞的介詞短語。本文提出「關心」和「得罪」應該被視為及物述賓複合動詞即可，而其可見之「介詞短語」實為一般及物動詞用來處理句內前置名詞受詞的常見句法手段。實務上，本文亦從華語教學的角度指出明白標示兼類述賓動詞的及物性是很重要的。此觀點可從「關心」、「擔心」和「傷心」這三個相似的述賓複合動詞比較，以及「關心」和「得罪」這兩個兼類述賓複合動詞的句型教學偏好得到支持。

This paper examines two cases of two-way V-O compound verbs which can exhibit two different syntactic patterns of V-O compound verbs for introducing their object NPs. These two V-O compounds guan-xin ‘to care about’ and de-zui ‘to offend’ can have their object NPs staying postverbally， or to be introduced by a preposition preverbally. I show that the “prepositional phrases” in these two V-O compound verbs are only apparent and do not behave like those in V-O compound verbs such as jia-you ‘to cheer up’ and kai-dao ‘to operate’ whose object NPs can only be introduced by prepositions. I propose that guan-xin and de-zui are simply transitive V-O compound verbs， and the seeming “prepositional phrases” are common syntactic strategies observable for sentence-internal preposed objects in regular transitive verbs. Empirically， I also show that transitivity does play an important role in two-way V-O compound verbs in respect of teaching Chinese as a second language， which can be seen from the comparison between guan-xin， dan-xin ‘to worry’ and shang-xin ‘to hurt one’s feelings’ and the teaching order regarding the two syntactic patterns of guan-xin and de-zui.