篇名 |
漢語動詞「吃」從行動到遭受的語意延伸--兼論辭彙化分類
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並列篇名 | From active voice “eating” to passive voice “suffering”-- the semantic change of verb chi in Chinese |
作者 | 陳菘霖 |
中文摘要 | 依據論元結構(Argument structure)而論,動詞「吃」需指派兩個論元〔agent, theme〕分別作為主語及賓語。施事主語具自主性(+volitional)和控制性(+controlling)的語意特徵,而受事賓語則有具體性(+concrete)。除了典型的動作及物(action, transitive)用法外,另有非動作不及物(non-action, intransitive),表示「遭受」(suffer)意,主語成為了經驗者(experiencer)而賓語是刺激物(stimulus)。這兩種不同的語意,卻有相同的形式結構:(S)NP1+(V)吃+(O)NP2。本文基於動態語法(emergent grammar)討論動詞「吃」的賓語由具體性(+concrete)泛化(generalization)為非具體性(-concrete),並且帶有不幸(adversity)的意涵。而主語的論元語意角色(semantic role),從動作施事者,成了非自主性的(-volitional)經驗者,使得動詞「吃」由動作及物,重新理解(reinterpretation)為非動作性不及物的用法。同時,本文也從辭彙化角度試圖為「吃X」形式做分類。 |
英文摘要 | In terms of argument structure, the verb chi1 吃 ‘eat’ requires an agent and a theme as the subject and object respectively. The agent subject possesses the semantic features of [+volition] and [+control], while the theme object has the feature of [+concrete]. Aside from the typical action and transitive usage, non-action and intransitive usage, meaning suffering, also exists. In the case of the non-action and intransitive usage, the subject becomes an experiencer and the object a stimulus, yet these two different semantic meanings are derived under an identical formal structure: (S) NP1 + (V)吃+(O)NP2. Based on emergent gram-mar, the current study reveals that the object of chi1吃 is generalized from [+concrete] to [-concrete] and equipped with the implication of adversity. Fur-thermore, the semantic role of the subject is transformed into a non-volitional experiencer from an agent, making chi1吃 reinterpreted as non-action and in-transitive rather than action and transitive. On the other hand, this study attempts to categorize various types of “吃X” from the perspective of lexicalization. |
起訖頁 | 51-72 |
關鍵詞 | 論元結構、語意角色、辭彙化、動態語法、Argument structure、Semantic role、Lexicalization、Emergent grammar |
刊名 | 華語文教學研究 |
期數 | 201203 (9:1期) |
出版單位 | 世界華語文教育學會 |
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| 對外華語之古典詩歌多媒體「情境再現」教學法 |
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| 商務漢語拒絕言語行為研究 |